THE CULT OF SAINTS IN NORTHWESTERN TUNISIA An analysis of contemporary pilgrimage structures Part I (chs. 1-5) Wim van Binsbergen |
Part I:
1. INTRODUCTION
2. REGIONAL AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
3. SEGMENTATION IN KHUMIRIYA TODAY
4. SHRINES IN KHUMIRIYA
5. SAINTS AND THE LIVING
Part II:
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6. SEGMENTATION AND TYPES OF ZYARA
7. LOCAL ZYARA IN THE
VALLEY OF SIDI MHAMMAD
8. ORIGINAL AND PERSONAL ZYARA IN
THE VILLAGE OF SIDI MHAMMAD
9. CONCLUSION
REFERENCES
1. INTRODUCTION[1]
In this chapter I shall present a
description and analysis of the cult of local saints, as major
aspect of contemporary popular religion in the highlands of
Khumiriya[2], north-western Tunisia. This
paper is therefore a contribution to the ethnography of religious
behaviour in general and that of rural North Africa in
particular. As is the case in much of religious anthropology,
studies of popular Islam have tended to concentrate on systems of
belief and symbolism, with excursions into the relation between
religion and the wider social, economic and political context in
which that religion occurs. The behavioural aspect of religion
has been somewhat neglected, and as a result for some of the most
pertinent questions of contextual religious analysis we have had
to content ourselves with tentative answers largely founded on
intuition and persuasion; the necessary empirical data have often
been lacking. A major problem in this connexion is that an
empirical, quantitative description of religious behaviour
such as I shall offer towards the end of this chapter
remains meaningless without an adequate discussion of the
symbolic and social-organizational aspects of such behaviour.
Having elsewhere dealt with the historical aspects of saintly
cults and the interplay between popular and formal Islam in the
Khumiri region (cf. Van Binsbergen 1971a, 1980, 1980b)[3], I shall here largely limit
myself to the contemporary situation concerning pious visits
(zyãra) to shrines associated with named local saints
touching on local history only in so far this helps to explain
the nature of territorial segmentation today, and refraining from
a discussion of such significant aspects of Khumiri religion as:
the veneration of trees and sources; veneration of saints through
other rituals than pious visits; the ecstatic cults that are
loosely organized in religious brotherhoods and that, although
implying saints, form a popular-religious complex somewhat
distinct from zyara; the symbolic deep structure of such key
concepts as sainthood and baraka; and finally the formal Islam of
the Quran, the mosque, the pilgrimage to Mecca. Even so the
ethnographic argument will be too lengthy to wallow for a more
than cursory discussion of the many wider theoretical
implications of the Khumiri data (cf. Van Binsbergen 1971a, 1976,
in preparation).
2. REGIONAL AND HISTORICAL
BACKGROUND
Khumiriya is a mountainous area in
north-western Tunisia, situated between the Tunisian-Algerian
border (which is hardly a social and cultural boundary), and the
towns of Tabarka and Janduba, The regional capital is the small
town of cAin Draham, where the regions only and
recently-built mosque is found.
Until the late 19th century, the narrow, densely-forested valleys
of this remote region provided a relatively prosperous livelihood
for a tent-dwelling population engaging in semi-transhumant
animal husbandry (cattle, sheep, goats) and small-scale
agriculture (wheat, rye, olives). Each of the scattered
homesteads consisted of a core of close agnates, with their
wives, children and non-agnatically related adult male dependants
(herdsmen, who often became sons-in-law). These residential and
productive units existed at the basis of a segmentary system,
whose explicit ideology was one of patrilineal descent but in
which, in fact, factional allegiance, geographical propinquity,
and genealogical manipulation were equally important structuring
principles. Localized clans, tribes, and confederations of tribes
formed the highest levels of the segmentary model. The segmentary
organization regulated: rights over pastures, forest areas and
springs; special patronage links between social groups and
invisible saints, associated with the numerous shrines scattered
over the land; and burial rights in local cemeteries situated
around a saintly shrine although, given the large number
of shrines and the very small number of cemeteries per valley,
most shrines had no cemetery around them.
On all segmentary levels, complementary segments were in
competition with each other over scarce resources, women, and
honour. The armed conflicts to which this competition frequently
gave rise, were in two ways mitigated by the cult of saints.
First, each higher-level segment (encompassing the majority of
the population of a valley) would have a twice-annual saintly
festival (zarda) near the shrine of its patron saint, located at
some conspicuous point in that valley. On this occasion, all
members of the local segment (i.e. all inhabitants of the valley)
would make a collective visit to the shrine, and would for
several days stay near the shrine, chatting, feasting, and being
entertained by dancing and singing. Members of feuding segments
in neighbouring valleys were likewise under obligation to make a
pious visit to the shrine concerned, attending this festival, and
sharing in the collective meal there. Temporary lifting of
segmentary opposition was achieved not only through this ritual
commensality but also through a safe-conduct for all pilgrims,
sanctioned by the invisible saint. Also women who, originating
from the local segment, had married into a different valley, were
under obligation to make the pious visit to the shrine on the
occasion of the saintly festival.
Secondly, the major shrines those that had a twice-annual
festival catering for an entire valley were administered
by specialist shrine-keepers. The latter were not considered
saints in themselves, but they were pious, pacifist men who had
placed themselves outside the feuding system and who, on the
basis of a saintly safe-conduct and by virtue of the respect that
the shrines flags commanded, were often successful in
quenching violence between segments.
The colonial period in Tunisia, which began with the French
conquest of Khumiriya in 1881, brought tremendous changes in the
social, economic and religious structures of the region. It took
the colonial state a quarter of a century to impose its monopoly
of violence, but from the beginning of the twentieth century an
effective stop was put to feuding as the main motor behind
segmentary dynamics. Movement of the population was further
restricted by state exploitation of the extensive cork-tree
forests, the establishment of settler farms (which in Khumiriya
however remained a much more limited phenomenon than in the
fertile Tunisian valleys to the south and the east of this
mountainous area), and the concentration of land rights in the
hands of a few state-appointed chiefs and their families, who
were in collusion with the colonial administration. Pressure on
the land was exacerbated by dramatic population increase, and
massive erosion through over-exploitation of the vulnerable soil
system proved inevitable. The economic opportunities in the
French-created garrison town of cAin Draham, even after its
development into a regional capital and a tourist resort, could
not compensate for the decline of the local subsistence economy;
neither could, during the colonial period, labour migration
directed to areas of capitalist farming, and to urban areas, in
Tunisia and Algeria. The re-afforesting projects and the
unemployment relief work undertaken since Tunisia became
independent (1956), did not alter this state of affairs
substantially. The ethnographic present of the late 1960s offers
the picture of a destitute peasant population, which within the
rigid confines of its villages of immobile stone houses and small
and fragmented fields keeps going a transformed neo-traditional
social and ritual organization, and a no-longer viable local
subsistence economy ineffectively supplemented by unemployment
relief projects.
3. SEGMENTATION IN KHUMIRIYA TODAY
The model of a segmentary lineage
system has remained the standard idiom by which participants
structure their social environment,, distinguish between
residential groups, and explain relationships between these
groups. In the face of the realities of peripheral capitalism,
this lineage model became devoid of such economic and political
significance as it had in nineteenth-century Khumiriya. It no
longer effectively governs the everyday ongoing social process in
the villages. Moreover, as the population has become totally
sedentary, and pressure on the land increased, the idiom of
patrilineal descent is no longer a device for segmentary
mobilization in the competition over scarce resources, but has
become merely a folk idiom to describe the pattern of
organizational alignment of bounded territorial units such as are
manifestly visible in the Khumiri countryside today and a
means to claim legitimate membership of such unites, i.e. rights
of residence and rights in land.
Diagram 1. Segmentation in Khumiri society (click on thumbnail to enlarge)
From the lowest level upwards, we find (cf. diagram 1)
households, compounds, sub-neighbourhoods or hamlets,
neighbourhoods, villages, valleys, chiefdoms. Each of these is
clearly marked, and distinguished from complementary units at the
same segmentary level, by unmistakable features in the landscape:
the walls of dwelling-houses and the open spaces between houses;
the cactus fences between compounds and hamlets; the pastures,
fields, shrub-covered fallow areas, and patches of forest between
neighbourhoods and between villages; and the steep, forested
mountain ranges between valleys and between chiefdoms consisting
of a number of valleys.
Most of these units are designated by names of derived from human
proper names: Dar cAli (cAlis House), Mhamdiya (Descendants
of Mohammed), Ulad Ibrahim (Descendants of Ibrahim), etc. While
these labels in fact function as names for residential units, and
as toponyms, their evocation of a historical or mythical ancestor
from which all born members of that unit are claimed to descend,
enables Khumiri participants to represent their territorial
organization today by a patrilineal genealogy encompassing an
entire valley and even chiefdom despite massive
oral-historical evidence at my disposal which clearly establishes
that, at least in the 12 km2 that formed the core of my research
area, few compounds and hamlets, and no neighbourhoods, villages
or higher-level territorial segments, are composed of a
homogeneous set of agnates descending from one common ancestor.
On the contrary, the population belongs to more than a dozen
mutually unrelated patrilineal descent lines, most of which
immigrated into their present day territory in the course of the
nineteenth and twentieth century; only by virtue of genealogical
manipulation can they manage to identify as agnates.
Khumiri territorial segments have distinctive features beyond
their visible boundaries and their proper names evoking
ancestors. The extent to which the model of territorial
segmentation sketched here is not just a researchers
construct, but a living reality to the participants, is clear
from the fact that at each level of territorial segmentation a
segment has a characteristic attribute which defines it against
complementary segments at the same level. Like the unit
boundaries, these attributes are clearly visible in the
landscape, and they are a result of human activity. Each
household is characterized by its own dwelling-house, which
defines the basic unit of human reproduction, since by containing
the family bed it sets the scene for sex life, child-birth and
child-rearing. A few dwelling-houses combine so as to form one
compound; this territorial unit is defined by the storage table,
which marks the compound as a basic unit of food processing and
consumption.[4] Each hamlet or sub-neighbourhood
consisting of a small number of compounds, is characterized by
its own threshing-floor, which defines the hamlet as a minimal
unit of agricultural production. Neighbourhoods, consisting of a
small number of hamlets, each have their own springs, use of
which is private to the members of that neighbourhood. The spring
defines the neighbourhood as a unit whose members share (for such
purposes as water hauling, grazing, collection of firewood
hunting) an overall productive interest in the surrounding
countryside, even though the neighbourhood is internally divided
into smaller complementary segments with relation to those
aspects of production and reproduction that require more
prolonged, complicated and socially more intricately-organized
tasks. Finally, villages, consisting of a small number of
neighbourhoods, are characterized by their own mens
assembly: a wind-swept open space overlooking the valley and its
main shrines. Here the adult male inhabitants of the village
assemble towards the evening, to discuss the ongoing social and
political process and to entertain each other with tea-drinking
and card-playing. If the village has a store, it is located
adjacent to the mens assembly. The mens assembly
defines the village as the social unit of sufficient scope and at
the same time of sufficient intimacy, to accommodate the ongoing
face-to-face social process between people who have widely
divergent and conflicting economic interests, as members of
lower-level segmentary units. At the mens assembly people
meet most of whom, while not strangers to each other, do not
automatically share a day-to-day routine of dwelling and working
together; thus the mens assembly provides a social and
political arena, a more or less external yet inescapable standard
for the evaluation of wealth, honour, and propriety, and as such
the wider social framework of the interactional processes on
which, within the lower-level segmentary units, the organization
of production and reproduction depends.
Khumiri territorial segments thus are not just significant units
in the organization of geographical space, they also structure
the social and economic space in a way that reflects the vital
processes going on in this society. The characteristic attributes
by which each segmentary level is marked are, as it were, chosen
with great wisdom, and their very nature is suggestive of the
social and economic significance of the segments at various
hierarchical levels. Not surprisingly, in Khumiri symbolism the
storage table, the dwelling-house, the threshing-floor, the
spring and the mens assembly constitute powerful images,
around which an important part of the local world-view
condensates and finds expression. What is more, each of the
characteristic attributes mentioned is conceived as a diffuse,
nameless but somewhat personalized, supernatural entity, a
distinct power which appears in the dreams of the human members
of the segment with which it is associated, and which can mete
out benefits and punishment depending on the degree of propriety
and respect people display in the specific activities involving
that characteristic attribute. Nor are these activities of an
exclusively utilitarian nature: dwelling-house, threshing-floor,
spring and mens assembly are in themselves subjected to
ritual actions, particularly the burning of incense and the
sprinkling of chicken blood. The most important symbolic aspect
of these characteristic attributes, and one that in the
peoples eyes sufficiently explains the animistic overtones
alluded to here, is that (as latent or primordial shrines) they
are all carriers of baraka, the Grave or Life-force through
which, under the catalytic effects of morality and good social
relations, Man succeeds in sharing the non-human power of Nature
and of the Divine.
These characteristic attributes with their rich symbolic
elaborations are the visible beacons in a structure of
territorial segmentation. But although segmentary dynamics have
been stagnant as compared with the turbulent pattern obtaining in
the last century, the system of territorial segmentation is by no
means entirely static today. Despite rural decline and the
pressure on the land, demographic and economic processes are at
work which over time propel some lower-level units to higher
levels, and vice versa. A compound, while retaining its proper
name and ancestral association, may be seen to wax into a
neighbourhood and even a village in the course of half a century
or less. In those cases the named units, as they break through
from one segmentary level to a lower or higher one, will shed the
characteristic attribute appropriate to the former level and will
adopt one appropriate to the new level. Thus the construction,
and the sinking in decay, of dwelling-houses, threshing-floors
and mens assemblies, and shifts in patterns of water
hauling from one spring to another, all mark, again in a way that
is visible in the landscape, the waxing and waning of territorial
segments.
This is the moment to introduce shrines into our increasingly
complex picture of territorial segmentation in contemporary
Khumiriya.
4. SHRINES IN KHUMIRIYA
Shrines[5] exist in Khumiriya in a number of
variants. I shall leave aside such non-man-made salient features
in the landscape as remarkable trees, rock formations and
ferruginous springs,[6] which tend to be venerated
without being clearly associated with saints. All other shrines
are man-made, and considered to be intimately associated with
saints: deceased human beings whose baraka was and is such that
they continue to wield power in the world of man. The association
between shrine and saint is conceived in either of the following
three ways:
a. the shrine was erected upon the saints grave;
b. the shrine was erected upon a spot that had a special relation
with the saint during his lifetime or shortly after his death: as
the place where he rested in the course of his wanderings, or
where his body was temporarily put before definitively being put
into the grave; and finally
c. the shrine has been secondarily erected upon relics brought
from a shrine as explained under a or b. For each shrine there
tends to be some disagreement among participants as to which
option (a, b or c) applies in its particular case. The historical
dynamics underlying these patterns fall outside our present
scope.
Saintly shrines comes in variety of material forms. All mimick
more or less the human dwelling-house. Many do so in a very crude
form, and consist only of a semi-circle of large rocks covered by
another rock or by a slab of cork. This is the type commonly
called mzara, although this term (meaning that which is
visited) in principle applies to all shrines. In some
shrines the inner room within the ground-plan of rocks is more
spacious and of more or less rectangular shape; they may be
covered by an elaborate reed roof supported by forked poles
carrying a roof-beam. This is the type called kurbi, a word
otherwise reserved for human dwelling-houses constructed out of
arboreal material. The most elaborate type of shrine in Khumiriya
is the qubba: a square, stone building with plastered
white-washed walls, a domed roof and horned ornaments on the four
corners, as commonly found throughout the Islamic world.
All saintly shrines certain minor pious gift: small amounts of
incense wrapped in paper, candles, incense-burners and
candle-sticks locally made out of fired clay, and household
refuse such as broken teapots and spoons purposely taken to the
shrine as token offerings. In addition, the shrines associated
with saints, in the local hierarchy of saints?, are considered to
rank high, often contain stone balls (kurra: the saint is said to
have carried them in his life-time, as proof of his sainthood);
elaborately decorated flags donated to the shrine as votive
gifts; and a wooden chest in which these flags are stored along
with other pious gifts, including coins.
Although for the sake of simplicity saints are described here as
male, participants acknowledge the existence of female saints. A
valleys major saints usually are male. Many saints bear
ordinary personal names: Massauda (Aisha, etc.) preceded by
the reverential term of address Sidi (master, sir: elder
brother), Lalla (madam, miss, grandmother; elder sister) or Jaddi
(grandparent). A large number of saints however do not bear human
names but derivatives of words denoting natural species:
Bu-Kharuba (Man with the Carob-tree), Bu-Qasbaya (Man with the
Reed), etc. The Khumiri saintly cult has an understream? of
totemism which is also manifest in saintly legends and taboos;
but this, however interesting, falls outside our present scope.
Neither can I go into detail here with regard to the
relationships deemed to exist between saints. Various structuring
principles are invoked to establish some degree of order among
the large number of local saints with which each Khumiri
participant is familiar. First, there is a general hierarchy of
saints, ranking from Sidi cAbd al-Qadir al-Jilani (who throughout
the Maghrib is considered to be the most powerful saint), through
a small number of major saints of more than regional significance
(e.g. Sidi cAbd as-Salam ben Mashish), to the greatest Khumiri
saints (the ones whose shrines are best known and whose festivals
are best frequented: Sidi cAbd Allah bi-Jamal, Sidi Mhammad, Sidi
bu-Naqa, Sidi Bu-Kharuba, Sidi Ben-Mtir), the lesser saints that
are only known within a valley and adjacent valleys, and finally
the least powerful saints, the ones that are only known and
venerated at the village, neighbourhood or even compound level.
This hierarchy very roughly corresponds with the material form of
the principal shrines associated with those saints. Whereas the
top-ranking international saints do not even have shrines within
the region (they are known through hagiographic legends, and as
saints featuring in the songs that pertain to the ecstatic ritual
of the brotherhoods), the greatest regional saints have
long-established qubbas, those immediately below them tend to
have large kurbi shrines or large rock mzaras, whereas the
smallest mzaras and miniature kurbi shrines tend to be associated
with the least important saints.
Besides this overall hierarchy, saints associated with shrines
within the same valley, or in adjacent valleys, tend to be linked
to each other in hagiographic legends that claim specific
relationships to exist between these saints: they are described
as unrelated equals (neighbours, friends), as non-kin involved in
a master-servant relation, or most frequently as
close agnatic kinsmen: father and son, brothers, brother and
sister.
The erection of a shrine upon relics brought from an older shrine
often creates a situation where, within a valley or adjacent
valleys, a number of shrines are associated with and named after
one and the same saint. In that case the main shrine (the one
that is the most elaborate, and that has the greatest festival)
is considered to be the original shrine although objective
historical research would not always bear out the
participants view on this. This shrine is called the
Elder, al-Kabir, whereas the other shrines bearing the same
name are called the Son (al-Wilda). Thus in the
valley of Sidi Mhammad four shrines of the saint Sidi Mhammad
exist: Sidi Mhammad al-Kabir is a qubba located on a hill-top
overlooking the valley, whereas one qubba and two kurbi shrines,
all three called Sidi Mhammad al-Wilda, are found at a distance
of 1 to 1.5 km south of Sidi Mhammad al-Kabir.[7] In the same valley, four shrines
associated with the saint Sidi Bu-Qasbaya exist, all of them
fairly large mzaras: the shrines of Sidi Bu-Qasbaya al-Wilda are
situated at 0.3 and 1.5 km south and 0.5 km north of the parental
shrine.
Here we encounter a most interesting phenomenon, which occurs
time and again in saint worship featuring localized shrines[8]: the material multiplicity of
shrines associated with one and the same saint tends to create
several more or less autonomous cultic foci, despite the fact
that the participants are fully aware that all these shrines the
same saint is venerated. Thus the various shrines of Sidi Mhammad
and Bu-Qasbaya are each in their own right objects of ritual
attention. Having a relationship with a saint does not mean that
one can venerate that saint at just any shrine associated with
him; one has also specific relationships with shrines. One cannot
however visit any of the three shrines Sidi Mhammad al-Wilda
unless a part of a ritual cycle, which, within the same week or
so, also includes a visit to Sidi Mhammad al-Kabir; and the rules
of etiquette, which apply in man-saint relationships just as in
man-man relationships, would suggest that one visits Sidi Mhammad
al-Kabir first. The point is that the shrine , as a material
entity, takes on a personalized and autonomous aspect more or
less independent from the invisible saint to which it refers; for
no participant would maintain that the saint venerated at the
shrine of Sidi Mhammad al-Wilda is a son of the saint of the
hill-top it is the shrine itself which is the child of the
other shrine, and which functions as an irreducible focus of
ritual action rather irrespective of the saint with which is
associated. this is summarized in the Khumiri maxim: baraka
wahada; nzuru kull (it is the same grace, but we
visit them all). And it is precisely the shrines
capability of taking on such cultic autonomy which enables them
to function as beacons in the segmentary structure, even when so
many shrines bear the same name.
The reader may have noticed that for the highest territorial
levels no characteristic attributes have been mentioned. Major
shrines, with or without adjacent cemeteries, function as such.
As in the nineteenth century, every Khumiri valley has a major
shrine which serves as its characteristic attribute, and which
provides a focus for ritual interaction and identification for
people whose life-world is contained within the same steep
mountain ranges, even though their day-to-day economic, social
and political lives, as members of different villages, only
infrequently intersect. But there is more. While the attachment
of more or less utilitarian characteristic attributes
(dwelling-house, threshing-floor, spring, mens assembly) to
territorial segments could be seen as a spilling-over, into the
symbolic order, of the essentials of the economic and social
process, this system is again duplicated in this sense that
lesser shrines, in addition to these utilitarian attributes, can
be seen to function as ritual attributes of lower-level segments,
from the compound level onwards. There are too many territorial
segments at the lower levels to make it possible for each segment
to be uniquely and exclusively associated with one local shrine.
Patterns of shrine ritual are however such that each segment
above the household level can be said to be characterized by a
fairly unique pattern of saint veneration, in which a number of
shrines, venerated with different frequency and intensity,
combine in a manner that is manifestly and characteristically
different from the combination obtaining in complementary
segments. In ways which will become increasingly clear in the
course of my argument, shrines are intimately associated with
segments; and as can be shown on the basis of a detailed
reconstruction of the residential history of the valley of Sidi
Mhammad and adjacent valleys since c. 1800, the creation of
filial shrines of the saints Sidi Mhammad and Sidi Bu-Qasbaya is
a direct reflection of the fission, migration, and relative
waxing and waning of social groups in that area since the middle
of the last century. These processes occur throughout Khumiriya,
and invariably find expression in the geographical distribution,
and nomenclature, of shrines.
However, the fictive genealogy of humans, encompassing all living
inhabitants of the valley via the ancestral toponyms of their
villages and neighbourhoods, is never systematically mirrored by
a fictive genealogy encompassing all saints and shrines in a
valley easily a score or more. The multiplicity of shrines
associated with the same saint, and the non-kin relations
supposed to exist between many saints whose shrines are situated
near each other, render such a saintly genealogy impossible.
Shrine and segment are united not through a saintly parallel of
human genealogical fictions, but through patterns of pious visits
establishing relationships between saints and the living.
5. SAINTS AND THE LIVING
Let us therefore now turn from
saint-saint relationships to the relationships that the people of
Khumiriya claim to exist between living men, and saints. There is
no doubt as to the human nature of saints. However exalted their
powers and grace are, the legends about them depict them as
recognizable human beings, whose exploits of piety and
wonder-working often contain a touch of humour and human
weakness. The extremely complex and protean semantic and symbolic
properties of sainthood in Khumiriya cannot be adequately
summarized here. For instance, to stress that saints (as
indicated by their most frequent designation: uli) are
Allahs friends and derive their baraka from Him, would
underplay the fact that for most practical and ritual purposes
Khumiri saints (not unlike the several shrines with which they
are associated) are conceived as autonomous supernatural beings,
whose dealings with living humans hardly require Allahs
rubber-stamp.
Saints have the power to open up the potentialities of nature and
human life for those humans who approach them in the proper
manner, i.e. respectfully, sincerely (qalb bahi), and with pure
intention (niya). There are few provinces of life that are
considered to be outside the power of saintly intervention.
Saints are invoked to send rain, to assist in the reproduction of
domestic animals, to cure madness and reproductive troubles in
humans, to enhance the general economic and physical well-being
of the family, to control and ward off jnun (spirits of the
wilds), to enhance the baraka of the house, the threshing-floor,
the spring and the mens assembly, to protect people who
depart on a long journey, to help people in their careers, to
render supernatural sanctions to oaths, to inflict misfortune on
humans at the request of their human rivals, etc.
Much of this saintly intervention is taken for granted, as the
automatic result of the routine aspects of the saintly cult in
which every Khumiri is involved: the frequent invocation of the
names of local saints, the regular dedication of a meal to a
specific saint, and the pious visit (zyara), at least twice a
year, to the local shrine or shrines of that saint. At the latter
occasion a small offering of incense and candles is left at the
shrine, and specially prepared and dedicated oil cakes are
consumed, which after having been consecrated at the shrine, are
full of the saints baraka. This ongoing routine of the
saintly cult is characterized by great spontaneity, fondness and
trustful reliance implied in the main descriptive (as distinct
from addressive) kinship term Khumiri people employ for their
local saints: jaddi, jadda (my grandfather, my grandmother).
Although immensely powerful, the saint is not usually thought of
as a stern figure of authority, but rather as a grandparent who,
like a real grandparent, can afford to spoil his grandchildren,
the living humans, since their disciplining is left to an
intermediate generation. This quality of fond intimacy stands out
clearly when people recount hagiographic legends about their
saint, share a meal dedicated to him or her, or when women, in
the course of zyara, shed their socially-imposed reticence, and
in near-ecstasy dance near the shrine, fondle and kiss the walls
and the sacred objects there, and exclaim jaddi,
jaddna (grandad, our
grandad).
While the saint, deceased and invisible, is considered a
grandparent, the kinship term jadda carries an interesting
additional connotation: it also means lineal or collateral
ancestor in general. Supposed (often erroneously) to be buried at
the main shrine that carries his or her name, the Khumiri saint
is considered to have lived in the same area in some undefined
past, and to be, somehow, among the set of local ancestors. but
never is the saint the imputed apical ancestor of a social group,
to whom descent is traced through a genealogy. Likewise, the
ancestors that gave their names to social and territorial units
at various levels of segmentation, are never saints. The two sets
of personalized historical symbols do not overlap. In rare cases
a saint is claimed to have been a brother of a local apical
ancestor, but it turned out to be impossible to let participants
pinpoint any living lineal descendants of the saints venerated at
local shrines; even when my own historical research convinced me
that at least one of these saints, Sidi Mhammad, had actually
lived in the area during the nineteenth century, and I thought I
could identify his living descendants whose saintly origins had
gone lost under the historical and ideological constructions of
the contemporary participants.
Outside the ongoing routine of the saintly cult, there are three
complementary modalities fro the relationship between man and
saint, in addition to the trustful intimacy of the grandparent
idiom.
First, in particularly important matters the implicit reliance on
saintly intervention tends to give way to explicit supplication.
Reminding the saint of the supplicants ritual prestations
in the past, and stressing the (fictive) kinship relation between
man and saint, the supplicant describes his or her plight and
entreats the saint to intervene. Such supplication normally takes
place at the saints main shrine, in the course of zyara.
All the predicaments summed up above may apply. Normally
supplication is made to one of the saints associated with the
territorial segment to which the supplicant belongs. In rare
cases, however, typically having to do with illness and impaired
human fertility, supplication may be made at distant shrines,
associated with one of the regional saints that are well-known
throughout Khumiriya. On such occasions the usual, small pious
gifts are augmented by more substantial offerings, such as: an
expensive, elaborately adorned candle; a flag; a meal dedicated
to the saint and eaten at home; a similar meal but prepared at
the shrine and distributed gratis among passers-by; and, as the
highest prestation stipulated in the Khumiri saintly cult, the
sacrifice of a domestic animal (chicken, goat, sheep, cow, or
bull in a dramatically increasing order of cost, prestige
and supernatural pay-off).
Secondly, the prestations accompanying such supplication often
assume a conditional aspect. The saint whose special intervention
is requested with regard to a specific problem, is promised a
substantial offering, only to be made if the saintly intervention
turns out to be successful: if a previously barren woman produces
a child, if a mental patient regains sanity, etc. Often these
conditional promises take on the nature of a gamble. thus saintly
protection over a herd of cattle or a brood of hens is ensured by
promising the saint a male specimen of that years calves or
chicks as a sacrifice; if no males are produced, the saint has to
accept that his intervention will go unrewarded that year.
Supplications, particularly if of a conditional nature, introduce
a contractual element into the man-saint relationship, that
stands in some tension with the inclusive, generalized pattern of
the grandparent model. Here the saint appears more as a patron.
However, both as a patron with whom one has struck a dyadic,
conditional contract, and as a grandparent, the man-saint
relationship carries, as a third modality, many obligations for
the people involved. However much a saint is supposed to love his
living protégés and clients, however much he is prepared to
intercede on their behalf, every saint insists on respectful
treatment. The same baraka that can, positively, release the
possibilities of nature and human life to the peoples
benefit, is sure to inflict material misfortune, illness and
death, should the people fail in respect, and neglect their
general and contractual obligations vis-a-vis a saint. On the
basis of these sanctions, the saint protects the integrity of his
shrine, the sacred objects and pious gifts it contains, and the
immediately surrounding area. The dead that may be buried there,
remain undisturbed; and ;the trees, plants and animals there are
taboo. He also protects his shrine-keepers, and pilgrims in the
course of zyara. he does not allow people to terminate their
relationships with him: whoever has entered, at some point in his
life, into a relationship with a saint, is under a life-long
obligation to make the twice-annual zyara to his shrine and to
dedicate meals for him. The saint is supposed to jealously guard
his human following against the claims of other saints. Thus the
cult of saints acquires an internal momentum of its own which
allows it to express and underpin, at its turn, non-religious
aspects of life in Khumiriya.
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[1] Field-work was conducted in north-western Tunisia in 1968, 1970, and 1979. Although the 1979 field-trip has convinced me that the religious patterns described in this paper have by and large persisted through the 1970s, the ethnographic present in this chapter refers to the late 1960s. I am indebted to the Municipal University of Amsterdam, and to the Free University, Amsterdam, for grants towards my 1968 and 1979 field-trips respectively, and to the Musée des Traditions Populaires, Tunis, for local support. I am moreover indebted to: the people of Khumiriya, Hasnawi b. Tahar, Douwe Jongmans, Jeremy Boissevain, Klaas van der Veeen, and Henny van Rijn, for substantial contributions to my analysis of Khumiri popular religion. An earlier version of this paper was written and presented in 1980, when I was a Simon Visiting Professor at Manchester University; I am indebted to the participants in the anthropology seminar, and particularly to Emrys Peters, Richard Werbner and Kenneth Brown, for helpful criticism made on that occasion. Finally I wish to thank Daan Meijers and Jojada Verrips for organizing the conference out of which the present volume has emerged; Ernest Gellner and Katie Platt for going out on their way in order to accommodate this chapter in that volume; Ria van Hal and Mieke Zwart for typing successive drafts; and F. de Jong for advice on transliteration.
[2] For the rendering of place-names (including the name Khumiriya), Arabic terms and plurals, cf. Van Binsbergen 1980b: 71, n.7. The system adopted is merely intended to approximate the Khumiri dialect and obviously obscures many of the orthographic and phonetic distinctions. Long vowels in Arabic words are indicated by a stroke whenever the word appears for the first time. In Khumiriya the personal names Muhammad and Mhammad are clearly distinct, with the first a in Muhammad tending towards the Italian a, in Mhammad towards the French è. Earlier ethnographic sources on the cult of saints in Khumiriya include: Dornier 1950; Demeerseman 1938, 1939-40, 1964; Dallet 1939-40; Ferchiou 1972. I shrink from citing here the enormous literature on maghrebine rural popular religion. For a recent bibliographical survey with particular reference to Tunisia, cf. Louis 1977. Studies of maghrebine rural religious behaviour applying the canons of modern social science are, however, extremely scarce. A useful, though more islamological than anthropological, recent survey of popular Islam is: Waardenburg 1979.
[3] The contentious model of territorial segmentation presented here is argued at great length in Van Binsbergen 1970 and 1971a. This model could not have been formulated but for Gellners (1969) stimulating study of saints and segmentation in the Moroccan High Atlas; cf. Hammoudi 1974 and Van Binsbergen 1971b. For another interesting case of the distribution of religious centres following secular segmentation, cf. Evans-Pritchard 1949, ch. 3.
[4] While this reflects the historical ideal, the breaking-up of commensality between co-residing kin has led to a situation where households, rather than compounds, are in the possession of their own storage table.
[5] For a definition of shrine, and a theory of shrines in relation to social organization and the natural environment, cf. Van Binsbergen 1981.
[6] In Khumiriya, springs emanating from soil with a high iron content contain reddish foam; these springs, which are relatively rare, are invariably the object of a cult.
[7] The puzzling status of shrines 3 and 4 as filial branches of shrine 1 is discussed in Van Binsbergen 1971a: 281f and 1980b: 71, n. 15.
[8] For a striking parallel in Andes popular religion, cf. Sallnow 1981.
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