THE STATE AND
AFRICAN INDEPENDENT CHURCHES IN BOTSWANA PART II Wim van Binsbergen |
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2.
Towards a quantitative profile of Botswana churches (a)
In the late
1960s, Barrett summarized the situation in Botswana with regard
to African Independent churches in the following terms:
Until recently most
independent movements in Bechuanaland had originated in South
Africa, being imported by migrant labourers from outside and by
returning workers. Various types of prophet and Zionist churches
flourished among the Bamangwato, Bakwena and the southern tribes;
but few large tribal secessions of the type frequent elsewhere
have occurred here.
Soon after 1960, several new bodies arose in the north of the
territory, being mainly healing sects of Zionist type. Although
in 1966 [the year Botswana gained territorial independence]
independents [as a church type] in Botswana only numbered some
ten thousand, their size and influence were growing daily.
(Barrett 1968: 24).
There is
general agreement that in the past quarter of a century, African
Independent churches in Botswana have seen a most remarkable
growth. Yet it turns out to be difficult to measure that growth
in concrete numerical terms. Although studies like Werbner 1985
and Lagerwerf (1982) deal with categories of churches rather than
with any one church in particular, there is no study which
reliably and convincingly oversees the entire field on the basis
of quantitative data.
The
Registrar of Societies, other sources of data, and their analysis
What we have, in addition to qualitative analyses largely in the
form of case studies, is a number of lists which together offer
the crude data on which the following quantitative analysis is
based.
Every year the Registrar of Societies is required to publish, in
the official Government Gazette, a full list
of all societies including churches which by 31st March of that
year
(a) are registered,
(b) exempted from registration,
(c) have been cancelled in the
course of the previous year, or
(d) are required to give proof of
their existence.
The
Registrar also keeps record of all societies changes of
name, constitution, objects, address, and officers, and of their
audited accounts. Registered societies moreover are required to
submit annual returns; this, together with greater restrictions
on their initiative to change their name etc., constitutes the
main distinction between registration and exemption from
registration. The actual functioning of this administrative
regime we shall examine in greater detail below; suffice it to
say at this stage that the Registrar of Societies office
contains the main body of raw data on Botswana churches
cosmopolitan as well as African Independent and other.
In addition to the annual lists in the Government
Gazette, these data have been made accessible by two
researchers: the physician Staugård who included two nearly
identical lists of 157 and 158 African Independent churches
with date of registration (Staugårds closing date
is February 1984), number of members and location of headquarters
in publications on traditional healers in Botswana
(Staugård 1985, 1986); and Fako, a researcher at Botswanas
National Institute of Documentation and Research, who published a
list of the registered churches of Botswana, with dates of
registration, location of headquarters and number of
congregations (Fako 1983). In 1983 the Central Statistical Office
published part of the results of the 1981 national census in the
form of a Guide to the villages and towns of Botswana,
which for every locality in the country lists the names of the
churches found there, if any (Republic of Botswana 1983).
Finally, Rev. Janson produced a list of the Spiritual Churches of
Francistown, with their addresses. The advantage of the latter
two sources is that they are not concerned with official
registration, and allow us more than a glimpse of those Botswana
churches who eluded the Registrar of Societies attention.[1]
These various lists are presented by their authors without any
analysis. When compared to each another they turn out to be
strikingly inconsistent: the same church may be listed under
several name variants (even within one and the same publication),[2] and different churches with similar
names may be treated as one. Even when data collection for the
lists was only one or two years apart[3] as is the case for the Fako and
Staugård lists, there is an alarming lack of overlap between
them:
|
listed by STAUGÅRD |
|
||
yes |
no |
total |
||
listed by Fako |
yes |
101 |
7 |
108 |
no |
36 |
89 |
125 |
|
|
total |
137 |
96 |
233 |
Table 1. Botswana African Independent
churches as listed by Staugård (1986) and Fako (1983).[4]
Diligent comparison of the additional data provided on the
churches (headquarters and year of registration), against the
background of my participant observation among Francistown
churches and of my perusal of a large number of files at the
Registrar of Societies office in 1990, enabled me to
construct an aggregate list of 299 churches which I am satisfied
existed as separate organizations at some point in time in the
course of the 1980s. Entering such information as each list had
to offer, and adding the data I collected personally, the result
was a computerized data set which despite many missing cases on
one or more variables, still allowed some initial quantitative
analysis conducive to a comprehensive national-level profile,
however tentative, of churches in Botswana. The fact that the
data set spans a period of a decade means that, as an analytical
construct, it includes, on the far edge, some churches which have
since ceased to operate, and on the near edge, churches which
have only emerged in the late 1980s.
types of
churches, congregations and membership
I divided
the churches in the data set into three broad categories:
cosmopolitan churches (22 in the data set), African Independent
churches (as many as 233), and a residual category of 7 churches
which in terms of their organization, Southern African
embeddedness and perception by the population might be mistaken
to be African Independent churches, whereas in fact they belong
to international organizations. The Apostolic Faith Church,
founded half a century ago in the then Southern Rhodesia by
European initiative, is a case in point. Regrettably 37 churches
eluded the first classification according to type, and had to be
treated as missing on this variable.
With regard to membership the 233 African Independent churches in
the list range from 20 members, for an incipient church,[5] to 10,700 for the wide-spread Zion
Christian Church. Membership of the cosmopolitan churches is
incompletely reflected in the data set but presumably could at a
later stage be gleaned from other more or less accessible
sources, e.g. the Christian Council of Botswana. The median
church membership of the African Independent churches stands at
235 members, while their mean membership is 772.
Type and number of congregations. There is a
statistically significant difference between the various types of
churches as to their number of congregations within Botswana:
against an average of nearly 10 congregations for the
cosmopolitan churches, African Independent church on the average
have between 2 and 3 congregations, and other churches just over
2.[6] Among the African Independent
churches, the number of congregations ranges from 1 (the standard
situation, found among 78%[7]), via 2 congregations (10%), to 68
for, again, the ZCC.
Membership of congregations in African Independent
churches. These figures mean that the average
congregation membership in the African Independent churches would
stand as high as 310 members. On the basis of my participant
observation in Francistown I would think that this is too
generous an estimate when we interpret it in terms of actual
attendance; it is likely that membership claimed in the annual
returns to the registrar of societies (whence Staugårds
figures on membership derive) includes not only an active core
who participates in church life on a week-to-week or even more
frequent basis, but also a diffuse halo of less active members
who refer to the church activities only when they specifically
need the healing practices which the church is offering. But
since statistics on churches of other types, and internationally,
would seldom appear to be restricted to the active core this
probable over-estimate need not greatly concern us.
Urban and rural distribution of congregations. The
African Independent churches in our data set together have 300
urban congregations (of which 11 urban congregations belong to
the largest church of this type, the ZCC),and 280 rural
congregations (of which as many as 57 belong to the ZCC again). Considering
that c. 25% of the Botswana population lives in urban settings as
discussed above, this points very strongly to the urban slant in
Independency in that country.
Presence of African Independent churches among the
Botswana population. With some sleight of hand we
might even stretch the data to arrive at estimates of the
presence of African Independent churches among the Botswana
population. The 233 churches of this type in our sample span the
entire decade of the 1980s, and include churches which may have
disappeared in the early 1980s as well as churches which only
emerged in the late 1980s. Since there is no reason to assume
that the rapid increase of Independency in Botswana has come to a
halt, it is likely that more churches emerged in the 1980s than
disappeared; moreover, since it takes some time before African
Independent churches catch the attention of the sort of formal
bureaucratic bodies from which most of our data set derives, it
is most likely that a considerable number of recently emerged
African Independent churches has in fact not been included in our
data set. In other words, even although our aggregate collection
of 233 specific churches at no moment in the 1980s represented
the unique set of the churches of that type then actually in
existence, the number of 233 can be considered a conservative
estimate of the actual number of African Independent churches
actually in operation in Botswana. Since our best estimate of the
membership of each of these churches is the average value of 772
members (precisely: 772.225), we can estimate the total
membership of this churches in 1985 (the middle of the entire
decade spanned) at 180,000 members (233 x 772.225 = 179,928.42).
For that year the total population of Botswana was estimated to
be 1,131,700 (Republic of Botswana 1986: 9). The membership of
the African Independent churches would be an estimated 16%. While
this is a most significant number in itself, we have to take into
account that very few people qualify for membership of these
churches before their late teens. In 1985, the estimated Botswana
population 15 years of age and above was put at 51.8% of the
total population; of this more or less adult age cohort, the
membership of the African Independent churches amounted to as
much as 31%. Therefore, according to my estimates
nearly one out of every three adults in Botswana could be counted
as a member of an African Independent church. What
matters with such estimates is their order of magnitude, not the
precise figure. The estimate figure becomes even more impressive
when we contrast it with that of a mere ten thousand adherents
(not seven 6% of the present number) as mentioned by Barrett for
the mid-1960s, and by that time only about 4% of the
countrys population aged 15 years and older.
The urban/rural dimension in
Botswana churches
Rural
presence. Considering the huge expanse of the Botswana
countryside, and its populations extensive exposure to and
participation in the outside world for over a century, it is to
be expected that the range of number of rural congregations of
the churches in our data set is considerable: its maximum lies at
61, again for ZCC. In the data set, 80 churches have one rural
congregation this often being a particular churchs
only congregation. The important point however is that many
churches (as many as 168) have no rural congregations at all,
while only 65 churches have only rural congregations and no urban
congregations.
Church type and number of congregations in urban and
rural areas. There is a statistically significant
difference between the three types of churches as to number of
urban congregations,[8] as well as rural congregations.[9] In both environments cosmopolitan
churches have far more congregations than the African
Independents and the others, which do not greatly differ from
each other.
Urban orientation. If we limit ourselves to
the African Independent churches the relative urban bias in
Botswana churches is again manifest: 55 African Independent
churches have no urban congregation (while 159 have one or more),
while 128 African Independent churches have no rural congregation
(while only 89 have one or more). One could construct a simple
scale of a churchs urbanity: the number of its
urban congregations expressed as a fraction of its total number
of congregations; this scale of course runs from 0 to 1, and for
the African Independent churches its mean lies well above .5,
notably at .66; its median lies even at 1, since 58% of the
African Independent churches in the data set boast an
urbanity score of 1. For reasons of simple
arithmetic, the rurality score is the mirror-image of
the urbanity score. In interpreting this urban slant of the
Botswana churches and particularly of the African Independent
ones among them, it is important to appreciate that we are
dealing with relative differences here
between town and countryside and in the light of the
general discussion of Botswana above nothing else could be
expected. Therefore it is little amazing that with regard to
scores on these urbanity[10] and rurality scales the
three types of churches do not differ significantly from each
other.[11]
bureaucratic
incapsulation quantified: churches and the Registrar of Societies
Since our
argument in the second part of this paper will concentrate on the
Registrar of Society as the institutional locus where the
interaction between the state and the African Independent
churches in Botswana takes place, let us look at the information
that analysis of our data set has to offer on this point.
Relative aloofness of churches vis-ā-vis the Registrar
of Societies. First an impression relating to one
particular point in time: the Registrar of Societies list
of societies for 31st March, 1990. Of the 299 churches in out
data set, 13 (4%) were exempted, 181 (61%) were registered
according to the 1990 list, 3 (1%) were required to give proof of
their existence, 1 (0%) saw its registration cancelled, and as
many as 101 (34%) do not appear at all on the 1990 list under
whatever heading. In other words, out of early three
hundred churches known to have existed in the 1980s, more than
one third was out of the scope of the Registrar of
Societies attention by 1990: either because they had never
been registered nor exempted, or because they had been cancelled
earlier on and by 1990 were supposed to be no longer in
existence. For the African Independent churches alone
these figures are very similar: 1 (0%) were exempted, 145 (62%)
were registered according to the 1990 list, 3 (1%) were required
to give proof of their existence, 1 (0%) saw its registration
cancelled, and 83 (37%) do not appear at all on.
Registration status. Overlooking the entire
period of the 1980s, we find that of the 299 churches in our data
set (and with the limited information at our disposal) at least
13 (4%) were exempted, 181 (61%) were registered at some point in
time and remained that way, at least 3 (1%) were required to give
proof of existence, as many as 55 (18%) churches were registered
and then later saw their registration cancelled, and 47 (16%)
churches were never registered in the first place.
Registration status and type of church. A
breakdown by type of church is offered by table 2:
|
|
type of church |
|||
|
|
cosmopol. |
African Independent |
other |
total |
registration status |
exempted |
11 |
1 |
0 |
12 |
registered |
9 |
145 |
6 |
160 |
|
give proof of existence |
0 |
3 |
0 |
3 |
|
cancelled |
2 |
43 |
1 |
46 |
|
never registered |
0 |
41 |
0 |
41 |
|
total |
22 |
233 |
7 |
262 |
37 missing cases
Table 2. Registration status by type of
church
Table 2
shows that the exempted churches were almost exclusively found
among the cosmopolitan ones; that the few churches required to
give proof of existence were all African Independent ones; that
virtually all churches which saw their registration cancelled
were African Independent churches; and that the churches which
were never registered are all African Independent ones. This
suggest that with regard to bureaucratic treatment the three
types of churches are significantly different; statistical
analysis confirms this impression.[12] Clearly, the Societies Act is used by
the state to extend its control specifically over African
Independent churches, while cosmopolitan and other
churches are largely left to themselves.
The time dimension in registration. Registration
went on at a considerable pace in the course of the years, as is
clear from table 3. After an understandable clutter in the first
few years after the enactment of the Societies Act, registration
dropped to a slower pace in the late 1970s, to pick up again in
the early 1980s and settle to roughly 10 registrations per year
in the second half of that decade. Further statistical analysis[13] reveals that the three types of
churches differ significantly as to year of registration:
cosmopolitan churches were on the average registered in mid-1977,
African Independent churches in mid-1980, and other churches in
the spring of 1982.
|
|
|
|
|
1966[14] |
1 |
.4 |
.4 |
0 |
1969 |
2 |
.8 |
.8 |
50 |
1970 |
1 |
.4 |
.4 |
0 |
1972 |
2 |
.8 |
.8 |
100 |
1973 |
26 |
10.4 |
10.4 |
65 |
1974 |
37 |
14.8 |
14.8 |
70 |
1975 |
28 |
11.2 |
11.2 |
82 |
1976 |
9 |
3.6 |
3.6 |
67 |
1977 |
5 |
2.0 |
2.0 |
60 |
1978 |
3 |
1.2 |
1.2 |
100 |
1979 |
25 |
10.0 |
10.0 |
80 |
1980 |
10 |
4.0 |
4.0 |
70 |
1981 |
19 |
7.6 |
7.6 |
79 |
1982 |
20 |
8.0 |
8.0 |
90 |
1983 |
1 |
.4 |
.4 |
100 |
1984-1990[15] |
61 |
24.4 |
24.4 |
79 |
total |
250 |
100 |
100 |
76 |
49 missing cases (i.e. 47 church for
which we have established that they have never been registered,
and 2 genuinely missing cases)
Table 3. Registration of Botswana
churches per year
No statistical evidence of bureaucratic reluctance, on
the part of the Registrar, to register African Independent
churches. The percentage of African Independent
churches registered (table 3) remained fairly constant through
the years and reflects the 78% percent African Independent
churches in the data set (and presumably a similar percentage in
Botswana social reality). In other words, there is no evidence
that the Registrar of Societies has undergone a change in his
being prepared to register African Independent churches. However,
within the category of African Independent churches there are
statistically significant differences as to registration.
Registration status and number of congregations. When
we look at our total data set of 299 churches, lumping the three
types of churches together, statistical analysis reveals that
there is a significant association between a churchs
registration status and the number of its congregations: the
exempted churches have by far the largest number of
congregations, followed by the few churches which have to give
proof of their existence, after which come the registered
churches, those which saw their registration cancelled, and those
which never cancelled, in that order.[16] Conspicuity vis-ā-vis the state may
constitute the underlying explanatory factor.
Registration status and number of urban congregations. Lumping
the three types of churches together, statistical analysis
reveals that there is a significant association between a
churchs registration status and its number of urban
congregations: the exempted churches have by far the highest
score, followed by the three clustering types of registered
churches, churches which have to give proof of their existence,
and those which saw their registration cancelled, while those
which never cancelled have the lowest number of urban
congregations.[17] By and large the same relation holds
between registration status and number of rural congregations.[18]
Urban orientation and registration status. Since
exempted churches (meanly cosmopolitan ones) tend to have more
urban congregations but especially more rural congregations than
the other registration categories, it is clear that it is the
size, rather than the urban/rural aspect, that is involved here.
That is again confirmed by statistical analysis of the
relationship between the urbanity score and
registration status; there is a significant relationship, but now
it is the registered churches (largely the African Independent
ones) which have the highest urbanism score, followed
by a cluster comprising exempted, cancelled and never-registered
churches, while this time the line is closed by churches whose
existence is doubted by the Registrar of Societies.[19] Of course, the rurality
score presents the mirror image of these findings.[20]
Cancellation of registration. The data only
offer information on cancellation of registration in the 1980s;
it is not clear whether such action was already taken in the
1970s, after the Societies Act had only been enacted in 1972. Of
the 299 churches in the data set, 11 saw their registration
cancelled in 1983, 43 between 1984 and 1990,[21] and 1 in 1990. These churches had been
registered for a period ranging from 4 to 15 years, with a mean
duration of 9.5 years and a median value of 9 years. In other
words, churches which saw their registration cancelled appear to
have had ample opportunity to consolidate themselves and live up
to the requirements for continued registration; considering the
costs of the registration process both on the sides of the
churches (time, travelling, correspondence, lawyers) and on the
side of the Registrar of Societies (time, correspondence), it is
to be expected that churches are neither registered nor cancelled
lightly; all the more amazing that in a decade yet as many as 55
(mainly African Independent ones met that fate.
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[1] Thus
it is interesting to note that of the 56 African Independent
churches from the 1981 Guide to the villages and towns
of Botswana, which were ultimately included in my data
set, only 22 were registered, 4 had seen their registration
cancelled, and 30 had never been registered. While one
appreciates the census officers dedication to facts, one
would not have been surprised had one found a different attitude,
one leading to the suppression at least in print of
the census evidence of non-registered churches.
[2] This
is a feature even of the Registrar of Societies documents and
official publications, which casts an interesting light on the
legal professionalism of the functioning of that office.
[3] This
period is so short that the emergence (and/or registration) of
new churches and the disappearance (and/or cancellation of
registration) of older churches can only very partially account
for the discrepancies between the lists. According to my analysis
as below, in 1982 18 new African Independent churches were
registered in Botswana, and in 1983 only 1; while only with
regard to 3 African Independent churches do I have evidence as to
their cancellation in 1983. However, the discrepancy between
Staugårds and Fakos list concerns 43 churches.
[4] Fako
does not limit himself to African Independent churches but since
Staugård does, only churches of that category have been included
in this table.
[5] In
fact, the smallest number on record is 6 members, which however
does not qualify in terms of the Botswana Societies Act: 10 is
the minimum number of members for a society.
[6] BARTLETT
TEST FOR HOMOGENEITY OF GROUP VARIANCES: CHI-SQUARE = 65.849, DF=
2, P = 0.000
ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE
SOURCE |
SUM OF SQUARES |
DF |
MEAN SQUARE |
F |
P |
BETWEEN GROUPS |
1028.891 |
2 |
514.446 |
9.523 |
0.000 |
WITHIN GROUPS |
13018.662 |
241 |
54.019 |
|
|
TYPE |
cosmop |
African Independent |
other |
NO CASES |
21 |
216 |
7 |
MEAN |
9.810 |
2.495 |
2.286 |
55 missing cases
TYPE denotes one of the variables used in the analysis; a
discussion of the various variable names c.q. abbreviations
appears below, in the factor analysis section of the main text.
[7] Considering
the relatively poor nature of the data available, percentages
will be rounded to the nearest integer.
[8]BARTLETT TEST FOR HOMOGENEITY OF GROUP
VARIANCES: CHI-SQUARE = 23.282, DF= 2, P = 0.000
ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE
SOURCE |
SUM OF SQUARES |
DF |
MEAN SQUARE |
F |
P |
BETWEEN GROUPS |
81.383 |
2 |
40.691 |
11.118 |
0.000 |
WITHIN GROUPS
|
874.704 239 |
3.660 |
|
|
|
TYPE |
cosmop |
African Independent |
other |
NO CASES |
21 |
214 |
7 |
MEAN |
3.333 |
1.290 |
1.000 |
57 missing cases
[9]BARTLETT TEST FOR HOMOGENEITY OF GROUP
VARIANCES: CHI-SQUARE = 86.948, DF= 2, P = 0.000
ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE
SOURCE |
SUM OF SQUARES |
DF |
MEAN SQUARE |
F |
P |
BETWEEN GROUPS |
533.455 |
2 |
266.727 |
7.359 |
.001 |
WITHIN GROUPS |
8771.745 242 |
36.247 |
|
|
|
TYPE |
cosmop |
African Independent |
other |
NO CASES |
21 |
217 |
7 |
MEAN |
6.476 |
1.203 |
1.286 |
54 missing cases
[10]BARTLETT TEST FOR HOMOGENEITY OF GROUP
VARIANCES: CHI-SQUARE = 1.124, DF= 2, P = .570
ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE
SOURCE |
SUM OF SQUARES |
DF |
MEAN SQUARE |
F |
P |
BETWEEN GROUPS |
0.070 |
2 |
0.035 |
.190 |
.827 |
WITHIN GROUPS |
43.989 239 |
0.184 |
|
|
|
TYPE |
cosmop |
African Independent |
other |
NO CASES |
21 |
214 |
7 |
MEAN |
.715 |
.664 |
.614 |
57 missing cases
[11]
BARTLETT TEST FOR HOMOGENEITY OF GROUP VARIANCES: CHI-SQUARE =
1.124, DF= 2, P = .570
ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE
SOURCE |
SUM OF SQUARES |
DF |
MEAN SQUARE |
F |
P |
BETWEEN GROUPS |
0.070 |
2 |
0.035 |
.190 |
.827 |
WITHIN GROUPS |
43.989 239 |
0.184 |
|
|
|
TYPE |
cosmop |
African Independent |
other |
NO CASES |
21 |
214 |
7 |
MEAN |
.285 |
.336 |
.386 |
57 missing cases
[12]
KRUSKAL-WALLIS ONE-WAY ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE FOR 299 CASES
DEPENDENT VARIABLE IS: RIG
GROUPING VARIABLE IS: TYPE
GROUP |
COUNT |
RANK SUM |
MEAN RANK |
************ |
22 |
1463.0 |
66.50 |
************ |
233 |
36666.0 |
157.36 |
2.000 |
7 |
849.0 |
121.28 |
KRUSKAL-WALLIS TEST STATISTIC = 326.45
PROBABILITY = .000 ASSUMING
CHI-SQUARE DISTRIBUTION WITH 2 DF
37 missing cases
[13]BARTLETT TEST FOR HOMOGENEITY OF GROUP
VARIANCES, CHI-SQUARE =.940, DF= 2,P = .625
ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE
SOURCE |
SUM OF SQUARES |
DF |
MEAN SQUARE |
F |
P |
BETWEEN GROUPS |
212.494 |
2 |
106.247 |
3.764 |
.025 |
WITHIN GROUPS |
6126.101 217 |
28.231 |
|
|
|
TYPE |
cosmop |
African Independent |
other |
NO CASES |
22 |
191 |
7 |
MEAN |
76.5 |
79.555 |
81.286 |
79 missing cases
[14] The Societies Act
has only been in operation since 1972, which renders the data
referring to before 1972 problematic.
[15] At this stage in the
analysis churches registered between 1984 and 1990 are identified
by comparing the Fako (1983), Staugård (1986) and Registrar of
Societies 1990 list; subsequent perusal of back volumes of the
Government Gazette may yield the specific years and might also
lead to a slight correction of the figure of 61 as registered in
this period.
[16]BARTLETT TEST FOR HOMOGENEITY OF GROUP
VARIANCES: CHI-SQUARE = 298.847, DF= 4, P = .000
ANALYSIS OF
VARIANCE
SOURCE |
SUM OF SQUARES |
DF |
MEAN SQUARE |
F |
P |
BETWEEN GROUPS |
2241.982 |
4 |
560.495 |
12.848 |
0.000 |
WITHIN GROUPS |
12040.730 276 |
43.626 |
|
|
|
REG |
exempt |
reg |
proof? |
canc |
never |
cases |
13 |
168 |
3 |
52 |
45 |
MEAN |
15.462 |
2.714 |
5.000 |
2.154 |
1.111 |
18 missing cases
[17]BARTLETT TEST FOR HOMOGENEITY OF GROUP
VARIANCES, CHI-SQUARE = 65.051, DF= 4, P = 0.000
ANALYSIS OF
VARIANCE
SOURCE |
SUM OF SQUARES |
DF |
MEAN SQUARE |
F |
P |
BETWEEN GROUPS |
161.746 |
4 |
40.436 |
13.149 |
0.000 |
WITHIN GROUPS |
842.641 274 |
3.075 |
|
|
|
REG |
exempt |
reg |
proof? |
canc |
never |
cases |
13 |
167 |
3 |
52 |
44 |
MEAN |
4.615 |
1.467 |
1.333 |
1.173 |
.659 |
20 missing cases
[18]BARTLETT TEST FOR HOMOGENEITY OF GROUP
VARIANCES: CHI-SQUARE = 291.440, DF= 4, P = .000
ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE
SOURCE |
SUM OF SQUARES |
DF |
MEAN SQUARE |
F |
P |
BETWEEN GROUPS |
1223.308 |
4 |
305.827 |
10.353 |
0.000 |
WITHIN GROUPS |
8182.837 277 |
29.541 |
|
|
|
REG |
exempt |
reg |
proof? |
canc |
never |
cases |
13 |
170 |
3 |
52 |
44 |
MEAN |
10.846 |
1.235 |
3.667 |
.981 |
.455 |
17 missing cases
[19]BARTLETT TEST FOR HOMOGENEITY OF GROUP
VARIANCES: CHI-SQUARE = 7.158, DF= 4, P = .128
|
ANALYSIS
OF VARIANCE |
||||
SOURCE |
SUM OF SQUARES |
DF |
MEAN SQUARE |
F |
P |
BETWEEN GROUPS |
2.860 |
4 |
0.715 |
4.143 |
.003 |
WITHIN GROUPS |
47.286 274 |
0.173 |
|
|
|
REG |
exempt |
reg |
doubt |
canc |
never |
cases |
13 |
167 |
3 |
52 |
44 |
MEAN |
.580 |
.749 |
.103 |
.593 |
.568 |
20 missing cases
[20]BARTLETT TEST FOR HOMOGENEITY OF GROUP
VARIANCES: CHI-SQUARE = 7.158, DF= 4, P = .128
|
ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE |
|
|
|
|
SOURCE |
SUM OF SQUARES |
DF |
MEAN SQUARE |
F |
P |
BETWEEN GROUPS |
2.860 |
4 |
0.715 |
4.143 |
.003 |
WITHIN GROUPS |
47.286 274 |
0.173 |
|
|
|
REG |
exempt |
reg |
proof? |
canc |
never |
cases |
13 |
167 |
3 |
52 |
44 |
MEAN |
.420 |
.251 |
.897 |
.407 |
.432 |
20 missing cases
[21] At this stage in the
analysis churches registered between 1984 and 1990 are identified
by comparing the Fako (1983), Staugård (1986) and Registrar of
Societies 1990 list; subsequent perusal of back volumes of the
Government Gazette may yield the specific years and might also
lead to a slight correction of the figure of 61 as registered in
this period.
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page last modified: 2000-05-17 19:53:00