Religie en samenleving (1971)

Wim van Binsbergen's webpage on Khumiriyya (N.W. Tunisia), late 18th - mid-20th century

 

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(c) 2006 Wim van Binsbergen

Wim M.J. van Binsbergen

RELIGIE EN SAMENLEVING:

EEN STUDIE OVER HET BERGLAND VAN N.W. TUNESIË

summary prepared June 1980

doktoraalscriptie Universiteit van Amsterdam, 1971 ix + 326 pp. •limited mimeograph edition,

revised English edition in preparation:

Shrines and Ecstasy in the Social Structure of Northwestern Tunisia (to be published in a series of Mediterranean sociological studies edited by C.A.O. van Nieuwenhuijze, published by Brill, Leiden; I hope to complete the revised manuscript by the end of 1980 (sic!)

 

Based on relatively short field-work in Northwestern Tunisia in 1968 and 1970, this study is still one of the very few full-size contributions to the religious anthropology of rural North Africa. As a contribution to local ethnography, the study presents a detailed picture of the various components of popular religion in the area (the limited scope of formal-Islamic elements; saints, shrines, cemeteries, and pilgrimage; other manifestations of the sacred as located in the landscape; ecstasy and religious brotherhoods. On the basis of a painstaking analysis of the contemporary social organisation of this rural area (earlier presented in a thesis entitled ‘Verwantschap en territorialiteit in de Sociale structuur van het Bergland van Noord-West Tunesie’, doctoraalscriptie, Universiteit van Amsterdam, 1970, vii + 173 pp., typescript), the distribution of shrines (saints’ tombs) and cemeteries in the area is shown to be intimately related to a structure of territorial segmentation. Collective pilgrimage of the members of a local territorial segment stresses the manifold relations between a segment and the invisible associated saint, which is the segment’s main symbol and focus. But whereas the overwhelming majority of visits to saints’ tombs can be explained in this way, there are also forms of non-collective, individual pilgrimage, which do not reinforce the local segmentary structure, but instead represent relationships that cut across segments. These individual pilgrimages, typically over wider distances than the collective ones governed by territorial segmentation, are shown to be intimately related to the marriage pattern and to an emerging structure of social and economic inequality, both of which are examined in some detail. Thus a picture emerges of a religiously-structured field of intra- and inter-segment relationships — a cultic landscape in which the non-saintly manifestations of the sacred (such as spirits, threshing-floors and springs) form an integral part. In so far as segmentation is not only a structure but also a process, and the contemporary segmentary divisions are the result of processes of fission and fusion that occurred, in the near past, a detailed reconstruction of the residential and migratory history of the area from the early 19th century onwards leads on to a detailed analysis cf. the creation,, waxing and waning of the very many major and minor shrines in the area, in close association with the political and economic vicissitudes of the vicissitudes of the associated segments. To the historical picture thus emerging is added an examination of the history of the Qadiriyya brotherhood over the same period, and its relationship with major shrines and segments. The contemporary data on individual membership of this brotherhood (to which close to 25% of the adult male village population belongs) are analysed in order to establish the social-structural factors determining membership. The deprivation thesis (which views aspirations to religious specialist status and leadership, especially in a context of ecstatic religion, as springing from deprivation in the non-religious aspects of life) could not be corroborated by careful statistical analysis. Instead a relationship was established between membership of the brotherhood, and a submerged line of matrilateral descent, in this otherwise so emphatically patrilineal, Islamicised society. In the final part of the study the main cultural themes in the popular religion of the area are examined: the basic concept of grace (baraka), the sacred ecology and the interactions between saint and man, against the background of .social organisation and structures of production. In a number of appendices, including c. 50 pp. of condensed statistical analysis, the mainly quantitative data are presented on which this study is solidly based, despite the limited field-work period.

            As a more theoretical contribution to the anthropology of religion, this study is clearly conceived within the framework of the correspondence theory, which looks for systematic analogies, isomorphisms, and compensatory reversals between religious and non-religious elements in a given society. The shrine, and the associated saint, as a main symbol of a territorial segment is an idea that owes much to Durkheim’s classical analysis in Les formes élémentaires de la vie religieuse (1912). The empirical applicability of this idea should not surprise us, as there is a direct link between Durkheim’s seminal work and Mediterranean religious anthropology, via Robertson Smith’s Religion of the Semites (1889). The thorough examination of non-religious aspects of social organisation, of social-structural determinants of individual religious behaviour, and the historical dimension added to contemporary segmentary and religious structures and actions, make the study into more than just a pious, self-validating restatement of the classic correspondence thesis.

            The limited period of field-work, however, made it inevitable that little insight is offered in the psychological and interpersonal dynamics of local religiosity. The emphasis in the study is on religion in local social structure and history, and even such individual and extended-case data as the author had available have not been included in the present study (this will be corrected in the English version now in preparation). Likewise the analysis of cultural forms, symbolism and myth has not yet been satisfactorily incorporated into the social-structural and historical argument. Finally, although the ecological significance of saint worship is discussed as an aspect of the cultic landscape, the present study is deficient in that it explains the distinctions and contradictions in the religious system largely by reference to social-organizational patterns, and does not examine such more infrastructural, material contradictions (especially those between generations, between sexes, and between local producers and the encroaching world system) which on the level of production and reproduction exist in rural North-African society, and which no doubt find expression, and partial reconciliation, in the religious sphere. Also these aspects will be dealt with in the rewritten English version. This will also offer the opportunity to link this body of data with such expanding fields of theory as the anthropology of religion (the theories of pilgrimage, regional cults, and territorial cults as formulated or stimulated by such authors as V. Turner, R. Werbner and M Schoffeleers), as have dominated the sub-discipline in .the decade since this study was written,

June, 1980                                        

 

Related publications (up to 1980)

1971       a                ‘Saints of the Atlas: Ernest Gellner’, Cahiers de Arts et Traditions populaires, 4, 1971, pp. 203-211.

               b                ‘Muziek en dans in het Atlasgebergte’, Muziek en Volkenkunde, Jan.-May 1971, no. 109-113.

1976                         ‘Shrines, Cults and Society in North and Central Africa: A Comparative Analysis’, paper read at the Association of Social Anthropologists of Great .Britain and the Commonwealth (ASA), Manchester, mimeo.

1980                         ‘Popular and formal Islam, and supra-local relations: The highlands of Northwestern Tunisia, 1800-1970’, Middle Eastern Studies, 16, 1: 71-91.

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      The illustrations in the heading of this webpage:
  1. The background photograph shows a women's work group (mainly drawn from the family of chief Hillal bin Hassuna), from the village of Sidi Mhammad, harvesting rye near the shrine of Bu Qasbaya al-Kabir, late spring 1968;
  2. the same illustration repeated in the original black and white, bottom left of the page head;
  3. top centre left: the shrine (mzara) of the neighbourhood of Qa'a Raml, village of Sidi Mhammad, late spring 2003 -- the fresh pious gifts show that the cult is still alive and kicking -- note the car bumper which has come to replace cork plates as the shrine's traditional roofing;
  4. top centre right: the domed shrines (qubba) of Sidi Mhammad al-Wilda (the Son) in the village of Sidi Mhammad, late spring 2002 -- note how the excessive erosion of 1968 is no longer in evidence, due to the local villagers' decades of reafforestation efforts, in the context of the Tunisian state's unemployment relief work -- the photo is slightly misleading in that it just keeps out of view the extensive Qur'anic school complex which external, formal Islamic interests have erected just twenty meters north of the shrine of Sidi Mhammad, in the mid-1970s;
  5. right: a Khumiri warrior, photographed (no doubt under carefully arranged near-studio conditions( by Garrigues c. 1880, and reproduced in Bertholon, L., & Chantre, E., 1913, Recherches anthropologiques dans la Berbérie orientale, Tripolitaine, Tunisie, Algérie, 2 vols., Lyon: Rey -- a colonial anthropological study on Tunisia.